This page contains a list of references that this blog draws from constantly. Many of them are freely available online or in university libraries. I tried to group them by language for ease of searching. Mansen, Karis B. Ramon Pane y la Relacion sobre las Antiguedades de los Indios.
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Aikhenvald Around A. Following their domination practice, the Kalina killed the men and took the women, who kept their language, giving rise to a gender-determined bilingual society; women spoke the Arawakan language and men spoke the Cariban language. A turning point in the history of the Garifuna language took place in , when due to a shipwreck of a slave ship near St. Vincent, the would-be slaves escaped and managed to reach the island, thereby signaling the beginning of African presence on the island; runaway slaves from neighboring islands joined them.
Children of mixed couples were later called Black Caribs as opposed to Yellow Caribs, the offspring of the original settlers. The 17th and 18th Centuries were characterized by constant wars between Europeans, Black Caribs and Yellow Caribs, which ended up with English victory and immediate deportation of the Black Caribs in -approximately 2, individuals cf.
The newcomers soon reached the mainland, sworn allegiance to the Spanish Crown and settled down along the Caribbean coast of Honduras. Later on they moved both northwards to Guatemala and Belize and southwards to Nicaragua.
The deportation of the Garifuna people represents the expansion of the Arawakan language family beyond South America, thus becoming the only Arawakan language spoken in Central America. Little is known about the Yellow Caribs who remained on St. Vincent; they probably became extinct under English rule. According to Taylor and Rouse , Garifuna continued to be spoken on both St.
Vincent and Dominica until around , when it became extinct there. Today there are approximately , Garifunas living in four Central American countries Belize, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua , though the majority live in Honduras; additionally, some 30, have migrated to the US. The African element has given rise to speculations about the nature of the Garifuna language, concretely, the assumption that phenomena akin to creolization are currently affecting the language cf. Escure 43 ; this author even characterizes Garifuna as a mixed language.
Those who posit creolization phenomena in Garifuna cf. The aim of this paper is precisely to offer a much needed description of Garifuna verbal morphology, especially as it pertains to person indexing, and grammatical relations. The data presented in this paper leave no doubt as to the Arawakan structure of the language.
This paper is organized as follows. Section 2 lays down the basic aspects of Garifuna verbal morphology, which are relevant for the description of both participant- encoding and grammatical relations. Once the morphological and syntactic parameters involved in the encoding of participants are dealt with, Section 4 discusses the grammatical relations which are relevant for the syntactic description of Garifuna and the view is advanced that grammatical relations in this language exhibit nominative-accusative alignment, contrary to certain assertions in the literature e.
Finally, Section 5 wraps up the results of the study. Garifuna verbal morphology Garifuna is a verb-initial language, with prepositions and a few postpositions inherited from Carib, noun-adjective, noun-determiner, and numeral-noun orders. It has a head-marking pattern and extensive pro-drop, both subject and object. There is internal and external agreement including number, gender and person; prepositions agree in gender and number with their object.
Verbal categories expressed by bound morphology include person subject and object , number, aspect, voice, negation and mood; tense is expressed mainly by particles. There is a strong tendency towards agglutination, especially in the verbal complex. Depending on the sequence of segments that precede the infinitive marker, apparent classes can be distinguished, the most productive being —ha, which expresses atelicity; —da expresses inchoativity, -ra punctuality or telicity, and—gua medial diathesis.
In many cases, the meaning of the apparent class suffix has become opaque see Quesada for a thorough description of Garifuna verb classes. It must be pointed out that these classes are essentially semantic, as they do not create morphosyntactic paradigms as in, say, the Romance languages.
Let this paper be a tribute to his memory. When a verb has them, short forms are used in the expression of certain verbal categories such as aspect except progressive as well as in the object construction.
Short forms are in many cases predictable; they are obtained from the deletion of the first syllable and the class suffix; in the case of the —gua class, the suffix is almost always present in the corresponding short forms. A sample of the distinction between long and short forms by class is provided in 1. The nominal nature of verboids manifests itself in the change of the verbal vowel —a to —u and in some cases to —i , which, according to Taylor 50 , indicates that nominalization has taken place.
There are a few possession suffixes, among then —Vn, which seems to attach only to alienable nouns, and —ni. Thus a sentence can begin as in 3a , but not as in 3b ; the opposite is also possible, that is, a sentence can begin as in 3c , but not as in 3d.
Notice that syntactically 4b and 4c are not subordinate clauses proper; what determines the use of the verboids is their inability to appear in sentence-initial position. M-DAT Charles that Notice that in the corresponding Garifuna version the nominalized form functions as the main sentence.
M man DEM. M 3SG. The morphological structure of a simple full verb in Garifuna is summarized in 5. In order to index both participants, short forms, as well as full forms in certain aspectual distinctions, require an auxiliary. What these examples show is that the absence of an explicit subject NP renders the sentence ungrammatical. M be able 3SG. M-by all evil-M DEM. M house-in. All five aspectual distinctions in Garifuna can be ordered on a continuum ranging from lower to higher completion of the state of affairs, with the imperfective on one end and the perfect on the opposite end.
Figure 1. M woman DEM. The imperative mood is expressed by attaching a grammaticalized form of the auxiliary uba, that is the suffix —ba, to the short forms of verbs that have them and to the stem in the other cases, when the addressee is singular.
When the addressee is plural, the auxiliary uma is used. Some examples are provided in As opposed to aspect, which is expressed only on full verbs, the passive voice is expressed on both verboids 18 and full verbs 19 ; in the latter the passive morpheme precedes that of aspect, while in the former it is separated by the presence of the nominalizer —ni, thus becoming a discontinuous form, ow F letter 3PL-by divorcee-M.
There is an alternative future particle, me, which tends to express subsequence among events. As for past events, there are three particles, buga, bugaha and meha. The use of all these particles is not obligatory. Prefixes encode subjects, while the suffixes encode objects in forms and constructions with prefixed subjects, and subjects in the absence of a prefix. An exception to this pattern occurs in the case of purposive constructions with movement verbs, as in 22 , where the only person-encoding suffix refers to the object.
But they readily remark that such constructions are rather artificial. The grammar of participant-encoding Having laid out the main features of Garifuna verb morphology, we can now examine the dynamics of participant-encoding in this language. This section describes how participants are encoded by both bound morphology and free forms. The first set of person encoding affixes in Garifuna to be described corresponds to that of infixes 23 ; these have a low frequency and, as mentioned above, are basically used with the stative verb a…ha 23a.
Prefixes encode subjects in both simple and compound constructions. In the latter, prefixes are attached to an auxiliary 24f. F 3SG. The combination of the suffixes with these variables may at first give the impression that there are indeed many ways to encode participants, and, as explained above, Munro even identifies seven series; five of those series are listed in Table 1, below; the other two correspond to the prefixes and infixes already described above.
However, strictly speaking these forms behave as such only in the presence of a free NP referring to third person. There is a slight dialectal variation between the Belizean variety analyzed by Munro and the Honduran dialect in terms of the realization of the third person plural suffix. Missing in Table 1 is the auxiliary used in the aorist of the object construction umut, which takes a prefix and a suffix to express subject and object, respectively, as in 11 , 16a and 24f , above.
The suffixes in 25 encode subjects in intransitive constructions 26 , as well as in transitive constructions with generic, indefinite, non-individuated objects On the other hand, these suffixes encode objects in constructions with prefixed subjects, whether simple 28 or compound 29 , verboids 30, first clause or full verbs In the latter case, the objects are always definite and individuated, as can be seen in the ungrammaticality of PFC 3SG.
M die-3SG. M door DEM. There being no diachronic sources to challenge this approach, only synchrony can give us a clue about its plausibility. One could hypothesize that —ti became voiced and underwent morphophonologization, concretely splitting.
However, elsewhere implies nothing but the three morphological contexts mentioned in the running text. Further evidence will resolve this issue. Their original prefix status is still traceable in causative constructions, as 38 , where it precedes the object-encoding suffix. In the absence of an object, their suffix status becomes more evident, as in These constructions usually have a past reading. In transitive constructions, the suffixes tend to have a focusing function The whole paradigm is presented in F-mother 3SG.
In the latter function free pronouns appear in sentences which fulfill the profile of cleft sentences in languages like English or Spanish.
Garifuna Karif is a minority language widely spoken in villages of Garifuna people in the western part of the northern coast of Central America. It is a member of the Arawakan language family but an atypical one since it is spoken outside the Arawakan language area, which is otherwise now confined to the northern parts of South America, and because it contains an unusually high number of loanwords , from both Carib languages and a number of European languages because of an extremely tumultuous past involving warfare, migration and colonization. The language was once confined to the Antillean islands of St. Vincent and Dominica , but its speakers, the Garifuna people, were deported en masse by the British in to the north coast of Honduras  from where the language and Garifuna people has since spread along the coast south to Nicaragua and north to Guatemala and Belize.
Conversemos en garifuna : Gramática y manual de conversación
Conversemos en garífuna: gramática y manual de conversación